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    The author sets out to construct an analytical framework 
    for understanding immigration in general, and then provides for case studies 
    pertaining to Asian immigrants to the United States.  By way of linear 
    progressing, she makes efforts to delineate how the process of immigration 
    can be aptly comprehended in terms of (1) background conditions in the home 
    country and the immigrant’s personal status and experience, (2) push and 
    pull factors for immigration, (3) characteristics of emigration and 
    immigration, (4) responses of the receiving country, (5) the immigrant’s 
    adjustments to the receiving country, and (6) policy implications from the 
    perspective of human services.  After succinctly and yet comprehensively 
    describing historical development of Asian immigration waves into the United 
    States, she embarks on investigating these facets of immigration in rich 
    details.  Through out the book, she takes a keen gender consciousness to 
    ensure that the female dimension immigration is not left out.  Except for 
    policy recommendations (chapters 6, 7, 9), the author’s narrative of her 
    personal experience in immigration is most fascinating (epilogue). 
    While not neglecting non-economic elements such as 
    political turmoil and social repression at home, the author seems to equate 
    the immigrant’s educational and vocational capabilities and economic, 
    social, and political status with the opportunity for immigration (pp. 
    5-11).  Nevertheless, as these background conditions can only account for 
    ease shifting gears for prospective immigrants, the traditional dichotomy of 
    push and pull factors appears more fruitful (chapters 2-3).  By tracing the 
    history of China, Japan, India, the Philippines, and Korea back to the 
    second half of the 19th century, she elucidates the patterns of 
    immigration in these countries, and then fleshes out those in the post-1965 
    era, when American immigration policies became relatively less restrictive.  
    She is keen to point out that professionals/students and refugees are 
    replacing labor immigrants.  It would be stimulating to further probe into 
    how the condition of the sending country is coterminous with the 
    capabilities of would-be immigrants.  In other words, those immigrants had 
    obtained English proficiency in addition to professional skills with a hope 
    to secure freedom along with economic affluence.  A famous saying in Taiwan 
    during the Cold War era would testify to this causal calculation: “Come the 
    National Taiwan University and go to the United States.”   
    The strongest parts are thee chapter on immigrants’ 
    adjustment after successful emigration and those on human services 
    policies.  By drawing a continuum of adjustment from acculturation, 
    assimilation, integration, accommodation, separation, marginalization, and 
    rejection, the author looks into how Asian Americans have achieved 
    professional excellence, and modified their cultural norms (chapter 5).  The 
    chapter devoted to the second-generation USAsians is particularly valuable 
    in the light of biculturalism and interracial marriage (chapter 8).  
     
    It is 
    unfortunate that Taiwanese Americans are not treated detached from China as 
    the two countries have separately political routes for the past century and 
    thus share different national identities.  Furthermore, the native Taiwanese 
    elites had in the past chosen to study in the United States in order to 
    escape the authoritarian alien Nationalist regime (KMT) until the later 
    1980s, as the author has rightly pointed out (p. 85),    
    
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